lEx  ICtbrts 


SEYMOUR  DURST 


When  you  leave,  please  leave  this  hook 

Because  it  has  heen  said 
"Ever  thing  comes  t'  him  who  waits 

S:xcept  a  loaned  hook." 


Avery  Architectural  and  Fine  Arts  Library 
Gil  T  OF  Seymour  B.  Durst  Old  York  Library 

\ 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
'  in  2013 


http://archive.org/details/newyorkfraudconsOOunse 


THE  NEW  YORK  FRAUD. 

* 


THE 


CONSPIKACY 


OF  THE 


OFFICE  HOLDERS 


UNMASKED. 


^^Electioneering  tricks,  designed  by  the  great  enemy  of  man- 
kind for  the  destruction  of  free  governments,  by  prevent- 
ing a  free  expression  of  the  public  will.^^ 

Gen.  W.  H.  Harrison. 


PUBLISHED  BY 

A  COMMITTEE  OF  THE  BOSTON  HARRISON  CLUB. 


6h 

(J 


THE  CONSPIRACY  OF  THE  OFFICE  HOLDERS. 


The  charges  of  Fraud  against  several  distinguished  highly  respect- 
able members  of  the  Whig  party,  involving,  as  the  story  ran,  the 
whole  Whig  party,  have  at  length  been  sufficiently  investigated  to 
give  the  public  some  idea  of  their  origin  and  character.  Charges, 
too,  be  it  remembered,  coming  from  the  members  of  a  party  fresh 
from  their  outrageous  attacks  upon  sovereign  States,  and  the  freedom 
of  elections  in  every  form,  from  the  interpolation  of  seventy  pages  upon 
the  records  of  a  court  of  justice  in  one  city,  and  the  illegal  registration 
of  as  many  names  upon  the  Ward  lists  of  another,  up  to  their  greater 
sin  of  usurping  the  name  and  title  and  bearings  of  the  true  de- 
mocracy. 

The  Whig  party  have  been  long  prepared  for  and  were  expecting 
outrages  of  every  kind  and  description  from  the  Locofocos  in  the  high 
places  of  power :  it  was  well  known  that  their  chance  was  desperate, 
and  the  game  they  played  must  be  a  bold  one.  Threats  of  various 
kinds,  involvi^ng  the  utter  defeat  of  the  Whig  party,  have  become  as 
familiar  as  household  words. 

"/if  has  been  hoastingly  uttered  that  the  hlood  of  the  Whigs 
would  soon  flow  doxvn  our  streets;  AND  A  DISTINGUISHED 
LEADER  OF  THE  PARTY,  AND  AN  OFFICER  IN 
THE  BOSTON  CUSTOM  HOUSE,  HAS  RECENTLY 
STATED  THAT  THE  WHIGS  SHOULD  SOON 
HAVE  A  CHANCE  TO  EXPERIENCE  THE  PHYSI- 
CAL FORCE  OF  THE  LOCOFOCOS;  THAT  HE 
WOULD  BRING  ONE  HUNDRED  MEN  IN  THIS 
CITY  WHO  WOULD  FLOG  ANY  THOUSAND  WHIGS 
THE  CITY  COULD  PRODUCE;  THAT  THE  TIME 
FOR  SUCH  A  CONFLICT  WAS  AT  HAND,  AND 
THEY  WERE  ONLY  WAITING  A  FAVORABLE  OP- 
PORTUNITY TO  BEGIN;  AND  THAT  WHILE  THIS 
BATTLE  WAS  GOING  ON  HE  WOULD  GO  UP  TO 
BEACON  STREET  AND  SET  FIRE  TO  THE  WHIG 
HOUSES.'' 


4 


And  after  this, Vhat  should  we  not  expect!  But  the  last  card  has 
been  played  —  and  with  what  effect  remains  to  be  seen.  It  will  be 
the  object  of  the  following  pages  to  give  an  impartial  statement  of 
the  evidence  on  both  sides  —  the  evidence  adduced  in  support  of  the 
charges,  and  that  relied  upon  in  refutation. 

The  last  card  of  the  party  in  power  was  brought  to  bear  upon  the 
public  in  the  following  precious  morceaus,  issued  as  Extras  from  the 
offices  of  the  Boston  Morning  Post  and  the  Bay  State  Democrat. 

MORNING  POST  —  EXTRA. 

Boston,  Friday,  October  23.  —  Governor  Seward  Arrested!  —  Infamous  Fraud 
Detected!/  A  most  vile  conspiracy  has  been  discovered  in  New  York,  to  carry  the 
elections,  in  various  States,  for  General  Harrison  by  Fraud.  The  plan  compre- 
hended the  whole  Union,  and  the  exposure  of  the  plot  wiU  disgrace  forever  the  par- 
ticipators in  the  scheme,  and  the  party  it  was  intende-d  to  benefit.  We  have  not  the 
particulars  in  detail,  but  they  will  soon  be  given  to  an  insulted  and  outraged  people, 
and  will  fully  prove  the  existence  of  a  GIGANTIC  PLOT  TO  ELECT  GENERAL 
HARRISON  PRESIDENT  BY  FRAUD. 

Our  correspondent  writes  us  by  Harnden's  Express  —  just  received  —  that  — 
"  Governor  Seward  is  now  under  examination  before  the  Police  Court;  William 
Macardle  has  made  some  astounding  confessions ;  he  is  a  candidate  for  the  Assembly 
on  the  Whig  ticket;  John  B.  Glentworth,  Whig  Tobacco  Inspector,  is  held  to  bail 
for  $5000.  R.  C.  Whittemore  and  Moses  H.  Grinnell  have  left  the  city,  no  doubt 
knowing  that  writs  have  been  issued  for  their  arrest.  Facts,  at  once  startling  and 
almost  beyond  belief,  are  discovered  in  the  process  of  examination.  If  these  facts, 
which  will  be  soon  made  public,  do  not  alarm  the  whig  leaders,  then  I  shall  be  much 
mistaken." 

The  Extra  from  the  office  of  the  Bay  State  Democrat,  with  a  laud- 
able desire  to  improve  upon  their  contemporary  of  the  Post,  and  with 
the  assistance  of  the  inventive  genius  of  an  officer  in  the  Custom 
House,  adds  the  following. 

"  WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD,  the  Governor  of  the  State  of  New  York,  is  just 
arrested  for  examination,  as  one  of  the  parties  concerned.  He  has  been  in  the  city 
for  two  or  three  days,  and  the  fact  kept  dark  until  within  three  hours  of  this  writing. 
Suspicion  of  what  was  goina  on  reached  him,  and  he  left  Albany  in  an  obscure 
steamboat,  and  was  landed  in  an  unusual  manner,  on  the  East  River  side  of  the 
city." 

It  is  a  well  known  fact  that  the  Extra  of  the  Post  was  published  pre- 
viously to  the  arrival  of  the  steamboat  mail  in  Boston  on  Friday  morn- 
ing; and  that  it  was  extensively  circulated  in  several  towns  in  the 
vicinity,  arid  despatched  by  special  messengers  to  Maine  and  New 
Hampshire  before  it  was  made  public  in  the  city.  These  with  the 
facts  found  in  the  New  York  papers  of  a  subsequent  date  prove  that^ 
this  infamous  charge  was  published  simultaneously  in  Baltimore,  Phil- 
adelphia, New  York  and  Boston,  and  hy  preconcerted  action  circulated 
through  the  Union  without  a  word  in  extenuation. 

The  credit  due  to  the  previous  extracts  from  the  Post  and  Bay  State 
Democrat  may  be  judged  from  the  following  modest  retraction  in  the 
former  paper  of  the  next  day,  Saturday,  Oct.  24th. 

"  The  statement  that  Mr.  Grinnell  had  left  New  York,  was  incor- 
rect ;  nor  does  it  appear  that  Governor  Seward  has  been  arrested,  as 
our  correspondent  intimated  yesterday." 


6 


Having  thus  shown  the  manner  in  which  the  cliarges  of  the  Office 
Holders  were  originally  promulgated,  we  now  present  their  refutation 
by  the  Whig  General  Committee  of  New  York,  men  whose  names 
alone  are  a  sufficient  guarantee  of  the  truth  of  anything  to  which  they 
may  be  attached. 


GREAT  LOCOFOCO  CONSPIRACY. 

TO  OUR  FELLOW  CITIZENS  OF  THE  UNION. 

In  Joint  Executive  Committee  of  the  Whig  General  Committee  of  the 
ciTV  OF  New  York. 

.^ew  York,  Oct.  24,  1840. 

For  some  time  past  the  great  whig  party  has  been  threatened,  through  the  locofoco 
papers  in  various  parts  of  the  country,  that  some  matter  was  on  foot  for  their  destruc- 
tion, which  was  denominated  by  the  administration  papers,  '*  Mr.  Van  Buren's  last 
card."  The  public  attention  in  all  parts  of  the  country  was  called  to  the  subject  in 
advance,  by  dark  insinuations  and  mysterious  threats.  At  this  time  the  locofoco 
party  was  maturing  its  plans  and  keeping  its  councils-  It  was  determined  among 
them  that  their  machine  should  explode  so  shortly  before  the  election  that  its  infa- 
mous contents  should  be  scattered  throughout  the  Union  without  leaving  time  to  the 
whig  party  to  make  its  defence,  or  even  to  tell  its  own  story. 

While  both  parties  stood  in  a  state  of  suspense,  and  awaiting  the  expected  shock, 
all  at  once,  on  yesterday,  the  2:3d  day  of  October,  the  mine  was  sprung  by  the  pub- 
lication in  the  locofoco  papers  of  the  city,  of  a  portion  of  certain  proceedings  then 
being  had  before  the  Recorder  and  District  Attorney  of  this  city,  sitting  in  secret 
session,  viz  :  the  affidavit  of  one  Stevenson,  based  upon  hearsay,  that  certain  indi- 
viduals among  the  most  respectable  and  valuable  of  our  citizens  had,  in  the  year 
1838,  entered  into  arrangements  for  importing  voters  into  the  city  of  New  York, 
for  the  then  pending  election,  from  the  city  of  Philadelphia.  None  of  the  affidavits 
disproving  the  accusation  were  published  except  in  one  or  two  instances  ;  but  means 
had  been  taken  to  give  the  utmost  circulation  to  the  charges,  which  were  scattered 
through  the  couisfry  in  immense  numbers  immediately  on  the  same  coming  from  the 
press.  In  anticipation  of  these  publications,  letters  were  sent  and  private  leports 
set  in  circulation  that  the  Governor  of  the  State  was  actually  in  custody  in  the 
matter;  that  Aaron  Clark,  our  late  whig  Mayor,  had  also  been  arrested;  and  that 
Moses  H.  Grinnell,  one  of  our  present  whig  Representatives  in  Congress,  had  ab- 
sconded. Simultaneously  with  the  publication  of  the  proceedings  in  our  papers, 
placards  had  been  posted  in  Boston,  and  it  is  presumed  in  other  distant  places,  sta- 
ting these  reports  to  be  true,  on  the  authority  of  letters  from  this  city,  with  the  in- 
tention of  deceiving  the  public  by  false  and  malicious  statements. 

The  whole,  fellow  citizens,  is  a  base  and  nefarious  conspiracy  ;  a  wretched  and 
barefaced  attempt  to  impose  upon  the  community  ;  a  gross  and  outrageous  attempt 
to  CHEAT  the  People. 

Our  duty  is  to  meet  the  matter  promptly  :  and  we  meet  it  the  first  moment  we 
have  the  opportunity,  by  the  publication  of  the  facts.  We  now  explicitly  declare, 
that  not  only  are  all  the  statements  with  regard  to  the  arrest  of  Governor  Seward 
and  Mr.  Clark,  and  the  absconding  of  Messrs.  Grinnell  and  Wetmore  totally  and 
entirely  without  foundation,  but  that  they  are  pursuing  their  usual  avocations  among 
their  fellow  citizens,  without  molestation.  You  will  also  perceive  that  no  evidence 
has  been  adduced  bringing  home  to  the  Whig  party  of  this  city,  or  any  of  its  lead- 
ers, any  participation  in  the  alleged  fraud,  although  the  examination  has  been  ex 
'parte,,  and  conducted  in  an  unprecedented  manner. 

In  conclusion,  we  beg  leave  to  state,  that  as  a  large  portion  of  the  members  of  this 
Committee  were  connected  with  the  Executive  Committee  of  November,  J 838,  we 
do  most  explicitly  and  solemnly  declare,  that.  >rf  far  as  the  knowledge  of  this  Com- 
mittee extends,  no  such  transactions  as  are  alleged, ever  occurred  ;  AND  WE  PRO- 


6 


NOUNCE  THE  WilOLE  SCHEME  INTENDED  TO  INJURE  THE  CHAR- 
ACTERS OF  INDIVIDUALS,  AND  TO  DESTROY  THE  PROSPECTS  OF 
THE  WHIG  PARTY  THROUGHOUT  THE  COUNTRY— AS  A  BASE  AND 
UNFOUNDED  ELECTIONEERING  FALSEHOOD. 

G.  W.  BRUEN, 
Chairman  of  the  Joint  Executive  Committee. 

SAMUEL  G.  RAYMOND, 
Chairman  Whig  General  Committee,  ex  officio. 

EDWARD  MINTURN, 
Chairman  Whig  Young  Men's  General  Committee,  ex  officio. 

AARON  CLARK,  M.  O.  ROBERTS, 

THOMAS  F.  PEERS,  ROBERT  C.  WETxMORE, 

JOHN  LLOYD,  ALEXANDER  W. BRADFORD, 

SAMUEL  SPARKS,  MORGAN  MORGANS,  Jr. 

ALEXANDER  LAWRENCE,  BENJAMIN  DRAKE, 

ADONIRAM  CHANDLER,  JOHN  W.  THORNE, 

JOSEPH  WEED,  J.  J.  VAN  NOSTRAND, 

HENRY  B.  BALSTER,  WILLIAM  A.  LAWRENCE, 

GARRETT  H.  STRIKER,  WILLIAM  W.  THOMAS, 

THOMAS  VALENTINE,  JOHN  O.  SARGENT, 

WILLIAM  M.  MAILN,  HENRY  W.  HAVE:NS, 

NOAH  COOK,  RICHARD  H.  ATWELL, 
EDWARD  PRIME, 

Members  of  the  Joint  Executive  Committee. 

The  New  York  Locofoco  Standard  of  Oct.  ^7th,  says,  with  rcffard 
to  the  above  statement,  THAT  "NO  EVIDENCE  TO  IMPEACH 
THEIR  FULL  AND  UNQUALIFIED  DENIAL  HAD  YET 
BEEN  PRODUCED." 

In  connection  with  this,  we  quote,  from  the  Philadelphia  AMERI- 
CAN SENTINEL,  [a  Van  Burcn  paptr]  of  the  26th  October,  the 
following: 

"  We  shall  not  be  behind  any  body  .in  contributing,  as  we  may  be  able,  to  the 
detection  of  frauds  upon  the  ballot  box,  whether  perpetrated  by  one  party  or  the 
other,  but  in  the  present  case  the  known  and  long  established  character  for  honor 
and  integrity  of  the  parties  accused,  together  with  their  solemn  denial  on  oath  of 
the  allegations,  ought  to  suggest  caution  in  forming  a  judgment  till  the  whole 
matter  is  fully  investigated.  We  think  it  is  not  unlikely  that  the  story  has  grown 
out  of  tlje  fact,  publicly  known  at  the  time,  that  the  Whigs  of  New  York,  in  1838, 
applied  for  persons  to  come  on  from  this  city  and  other  places,  that  they  might 
recognize  and  challenge  imported  votes,  if  offered  by  the  other  side,  which,  as 
they  supposed,  would  be  done.  We  believe  and  trust  for  the  honor  of  the  country, 
as  well  as  of  the  individuals  implicated,  that  this  will  turn  out  to  be  the  upshot  of  the 
whole  matter." 

It  will  thus  be  seen  that  the  leading  Loco  papers  have  emphatically 
denied  the  truth  of  the  charges  so  loudly  trumpeted  forth  as  'THEIR 
LAST  GREAT  CARD.' 

Having  thus  exhibited  the  retraction  of  the  Loco-Foco  Presses,  we 

will  now  PROVE  THAT  THE  LEADERS  OF  THE  LoCO  PARTY  IN  NeW  YoRK, 
WERE  THE  AUTHORS  OP  A  FOUL  CONSPIRACY,  TO  RUIN  THE  CHAR- 
ACTERS   OF    HONEST     MEN  INASMUCH    AS    THEY     PRODUCED  CHARGES 

WHICH  HAD  NEVER  HAD  ANY  FOUNDATION   IN   FACT,   INASMUCH  AS  IT  WAS 

A  WIDELY  CONCERTED  PLAN  INASMUCH  AS  BRIBES  WERE  OFFERED  TO 

SECURE  THE  SUCCESS  OF  THEIR  NEFARIOUS  SCHE51ES. 

The  extracts,  which  we  annex,  attempt  to  show  that  R.  M.  Blatch- 
ford,  Simeon  Draper,  James  Bowen,  Robert  C.  Wetmore,  and  Moses 


7 


H»  Grinnell,  of  New  York,  and  Mayor  Swift,  of  Philadelpbin,  endear- 
ored  to  procure  illegal  voters  from  Philadelphia,  to  vote  in  New  York 
City  in  the  fall  of  1838.  They  are  portions  of  the  testimony  of  Jona- 
than D.  Stevenson,  a  partisan  of  the  administration. 


Cihj  and  County  of  JVeir  York,  ss. — Jonathan  D.  Stevenson,  of  the  city  of  New 
York,  bein^  duly  sworn,  doth  depose  and  say  that  he  is  well  acquainted  with  James 
B.  Glentworth,  of  the  city  of  New  York,  Tobacco  Inspector  for  the  port  of  New 
York.  That  deponent  was  desirous  to  know  whether  the  said  Glentworth  would  be 
continued  in  the  office,  or  re-appointed  in  the  event  of  the  success  of  Governor 
Seward.  That  Glentworth  thereupon  informed  this  deponent  that  he  could  com- 
mand his  re-appointment,  and  that  the  persons  having  the  central  power  would  not 
dare  to  remove  him  as  he  had  them  in  his  power,  and  that  he  was  possessed  of  docu- 
mentary evidence  by  which  he  could  enforce  it.  Deponent  not  knowing  what  hia 
power  or  documents  were,  became  anxious  to  know  what  control  he  had,  and  what 
documents  he  was  possessed  of,  and  therefore  asked  said  Glentworth  to  show  them, 
intending  at  the  time  to  aid  him  if  it  was  fair  and  honorable,  and  without  the  slight- 
est idea  that  such  exhibition  would  lead  to  the  result  hereinafter  stated.  Some  time 
in  September  last,  said  Glentworth  gave  this  deponent  a  history  of  his  operations, 
and  sta;fd  that,  at  the  instance  of  Messrs.  R.  M.  Blatchford,  Simeon  Draper,  James 
Bowen,  R.  C.  VVetmore,  and  Moses  H.  Grinnell,  he  went  from  this  city  to  Philadel- 
phia in  the  month  of  October,  1838,  just  previous  to  the  fall  election  to  procure  per- 
sons to  come  on  to  this  city  to  vote  at  said  election.  That  while  there  he  continued 
making  his  arrangements,  and  employing  persons  to  procure  voters  to  be  sent  on, 
until  the  Friday  preceding  the  election,  when  James  Bowen  sent  on  a  man  by  the 
name  of  Ford,  with  a  letter  to  him,  Glentworth,  containing  five  hundred  dollars,  and 
requesting  him  to  stop  all  farther  proceedings  and  arrangements,  and  with  directions 
to  compensate  the  men,  and  leaders,  and  quiet  them  as  much  as  possible,  and  so  let 
the  matter  drop. 

That  this  letter  reached  him  on  Friday  evening.  On  the  next  morning  he  left 
Philadelpliia  for  New  York,  and  on  his  arrival  in  New  York  he  had  an  interview 
with  Bowen,  Blatchford,  Draper,  Grinnell,  and  VVetmore,  at  Blatchford's  office,  at^ 
which  he,  Glentworth,  informed  them  that  to  attempt  to  stop  the  affair  would  lead  to 
a  full  ex-posure  ;  the  excuse  they  offered  for  wishing  to  stop  was  the  want  of  funds. 
After  some  conversation  they  separated,  agreeing  to  meet  at  Draper's  house  on  Sat- 
urday night  at  ten  o'clock,  each  to  see  what  could  be  done  in  the  way  of  funds  in 
the  meantime.  At  the  time  appointed  they  all  met  at  Draper's  house,  where  it  was 
determined  to  proceed,  and  they  again  separated  at  two  o'clock  on  Sunday  morning. 
At  this  time  Draper  gave  him  two  sight  drafts  on  Charles  Gill,  of  Philadelphia,  for 
one  thousand  dollars  each,  or  drafts  tor  two  thousand  dollars.  That  he,  Glentworth,  * 
again  left  the  city  for  Philadelphia  on  Sunday  morning,  with  said  drafts  and  other 
funds.  As  soon  as  he  reached  Philadelphia,  he  saw  Mr.  Gill,  who  at  once  gave  him 
checks  on  the  United  States  Bank  for  the  amount  of  the  drafts,  one  of  which  checks 
was  cashed  for  him,  Glentworth,  by  Mr.  Bridges  or  Dorrance  of  the  United  States 
Hotel,  and  the  other  by  George  Riston,  a  broker  of  Philadelphia.  That  he,  Glent- 
worth, on  the  same  day,  met  by  appointment,  at  the  house  of  George  Riston,  (at 
which  Riston  cashed  the  check  before  spoken  of,)  James  Young,  a  police  officer, 
Robert  Miller,  then  a  captain  of  the  watch,  and  Mr.  Swift,  the  Mayor  of  Philadel- 
phia. That  he,  Glentworth,  then  in  the  presence  of  Mayor  Swift,  and  Riston,  paid 
Miller  five  hundred  and  sixty  dollars,  and  Young  the  sum  of  eight  hundred  and  sixty 
eight  dollars,  in  consideration  of  which  they  were  to  bring  or  send  on  to  New  York, 
voters  at  twenty-five  or  thirty  dollars  a  head,  a  list  of  which  they  each  furnished. 
That  this  payment  was  made  on  Sunday,  the  4th  day  of  November,.  1838,  and  he 
took  irom  them  each  a  receipt  for  the  amount  so  paid,  the  originals  of  which  he  ex- 
hibited to  deponent. 

He  then  asserts  that  Glentworth  had  expended  in  the  same  cause,  for  which  he 
had  the  original  receipts,  certain  other  sums  of  money.  That  upon  the  disclosures 
of  these  facts  to  deponent  by  said  Glentworth,  and  unwilling  to  believe,  notwith- 
standing the  evidence  so  produced,  the  truth  of  this  statement,  deponent  determined 
that  he  would  proceed  to  Philadelphia,  and  if  possible  have  an  interview  with  the 
persons  named.    To  this  end,  deponent  took  from  Glentworth  a  letter  directed 


8 


Mayor  Swift,  of  Philadelphia,  of  which  the  following  is  a  copy  : — "  Dear  Sir  :  The 
bearer  is  entitled  to  your  fullest  confidence.  Jas,  B.  Glentworth  and  with  this 
letter  proceeded  from  this  city  on  the  11th  of  October,  instant,  and  on  the  evening  of 
that  day,  waited  on  Col.  Swift,  Mayor  of  Philadelphia,  at  his  house.  No.  107  South 
Tenth  st.,and  delivered  the  letter  to  him,  and  thereupon  said  to  him,  after  he  had 
read  the  letter,  that  the  object  of  deponent's  visit  was  to  make  similar  arrangements 
with  those  made  by  Glentworth  in  the  fall  of  1838,  and  spring  of  1839,  and  asked  hira 
if  he  could  aid  him. 

He,  Swift,  said  he  would.  I  then  asked  where  1  could  find  Miller  and  Young,  his 
deputies.  He  replied,  that  they  were  engaged  on  special  duty  that  evening,  but  if  1 
would  come  to  his  office  between  nine  and  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning,  he  would  by 
a  wink  point  them  out  to  me.  He  then  asked  me  what  my  object  particularly  was, 
at  this  time.  I  told  him  it  was  to  obtain  lists  of  names  that  could  be  registered,  and 
that  I  was  desirous  to  get  as  many  of  the  men  who  were  on  before  as  possible — that 
when  they  came  on  they  would  better  understand  themselves ;  this  he  said  was  de- 
sirable, and  that  I  could  place  the  fullest  confidence  in  Miller. 

Against  this  testimony,  (X/^  the  ONLY  testimony  upon  which 
THE  Loco-Focos  RELY  TO  SUPPORT  THEIR  ASSERTIONS, «^  immediately 
appeared  the  following  denials  upon  oath  of  the  parties  accused. 

City  and  County  of  New  York,ss: — Richard  M.  Blatchford,  of  the  city  of  New- 
York,  counsellor  at  law,  being  duly  sworn,  having  been  brought  before  me  on  sub- 
poena, says  :  He  knows  Jas.  B.  Glentworth ;  I  do  not  know  that  Mr.  Glentworth  was 
appointed  with  Mr.  Swartwout  or  with  any  person  in  October  or  November,  1838,  to 
go  on  to  Philadelphia ;  1  do  not  know  that  he  was  appointed  alone  or  selected  for 
that  purpose.  I  know  the  fact  that  he  did  proceed  to  Philadelphia  at  that  period  ;  I 
do  not  know  at  whose  instance  he  went ;  I  do  not  know  on  his  return,  of  his  having 
a  meeting  at  my  house,  office,  or  elsewhere,  with  any  person  that  I  recollect;  Mr. 
Glentworth  said  he  had  been  informed  by  Col.  Swift  and  other  persons  in  Philadel- 
phia, that  Mr.  Page  and  other  persons  bcilonging  to  the  Locofoco  party  were  engaged 
in  the  project  of  sending  on  to  the  city  of  New  York  a  large  number  of  persons  to 
vote  at  the  election  in  the  city  of  New  York.  It  was  suggested  by  some  persons  in 
ttie  Whig  party,  and  among  others  by  Mr.  Glentworth,  that  the  only  method  of  safe- 
ly counteracting  the  effects  of  such  a  project,  was  to  procure  from  Philadelphia  the 
attendance  of  several  persons  familiar  with  individuals  in  that  city,  who  would  be 
likely  to  lend  themselves  to  such  a  fraud.  Mr.  Glentworth  suggested  that  he  had 
been  to  Philadelphia,  and  had  seen  individuals  there  who  had  promised  to  aid  him  in 
procuring  men  to  come  on  here,  and  be  present  at  our  polls  for  the  purpose  of  detect- 
ing such  fraudulent  voters  as  the  other  party  might  bring  on  from  Philadelphia.  Mr. 
•Glentworth  stated  that  the  measure  would  be  attended  with  some  expense,  and 
therefore  certain  funds  would  be  required  to  defray  those  expenses.  In  that  conver- 
sation it  was  understood  that  funds  should  be  furnished  for  that  purpose.  I  was  one 
of  the  persons  belonging  to  our  party  who  had  the  disposal  of  the  funds  for  paying 
some  of  the  necessary  expenses  of  the  election,  and  for  that  reason  this  communica- 
tion was  made  to  me — I  gave  it  my  assent,  as  did  also  Mr.  Draper,  who  I  think  was 
present  on  the  express  understanding  and  declaration  that  under  no  circumstances, 
directly  or  indirectly,  should  any  of  the  money  appropriated  for  that  object,  be  used 
for  any  illegal  purposes  connected  with  the  election,  or  for  bringing  any  person  what- 
ever here  to  vote  or  to  influence  voters.  Mr.  Glentwortji  gave  a  solemn  assurance 
that  for  no  such  unlawful  purposes  should  any  portion  of  the  money  be  used. 

R.  M.  BLATCHFORD. 
Taken  and  sworn  to  this  22d  day  of  October,  1840. 
ROBERT  H.  MORRIS. 
Recorder  of  the  city  of  New  York. 


City  of  JVetn  York,  ss. — Simeon  Draper,  Jr.  being  duly  sworn  says,  that  he  has 
read  the  affidavit  of  Jonathan  D.  Stevenson,  in  the  Standard  and  other  papers  of  this 
day  :  that  deponent  never  did,  either  alone  or  in  connection  with  any  other  persons, 
directly  or  indirectly  employ  James  B.  Glentworth  in  October,  1838,  or  at  any  other 
time,  to  procure  persona  to  come  on  to  this  city  from  Philadelphia,  to  vote  at  our  elec- 


9 


tions,  and  that  he  was  never  concerned  6r  engaged  in  any  such  scheme,  and  that  all 
imputations  to  that  effect  contained  in  said  affidavit,  are  wholly  and  entirely  false. 

S.  DRAPER,  Jr. 
Sworn  to  Oct.  23, 1840,  before  me 

EGBERT  BENSON, 
Judge  Court  Common  Pleas. 


City  of  yew  York.  ss. — James  Bowen  of  the  City  of  New  York,  being  duly  sworn^ 
saith  that  he  never  did,  directly  or  indirectly ,  employ  or  engage  James  B.  Glentworth 
or  any  other  person,  to  induce  persons  to  come  to  this  city  to  vote  at  any  election, 
and  that  he  never  was  concerned  in  any  scheme  to  that  effect,  and  all  charges  and 
imputations  to  the  contrary  hereof  are  utterly  false. 

JAMES  BOWEN. 

Sworn  to,  October  23, 1840,  before  me, 

EGBERT  BENSON, 
Judge  Court  Common  Pleas. 


City  of  Xew  York,  ss. — Robert  C.  Wetmore  being  duly  sworn,  says,  that  he  has 
read  the  affidavit  of  Jonathan  D.  Stevenson  in  the  Standard  and  other  papers  of  this 
day — that  he  never  did  directly  or  indirectly  employ  or  engage  James  B.  Glentworth 
or  any  other  person,  to  induce  persons  to  come  to  this  city  to  vote  at  any  election, 
and  that  he  was  never  engaged  in  any  scheme  or  project  to  that  effect — and  all  char- 
ges and  imputations  to  the  contrary  hereof,  are  false  and  untrue. 

ROBT.  C.  WETMORE 
Sworn  to  Oct.  23,  1840,  before  me. 

EGBERT  BENSON, 
Judge  Court  Common  Pleas. 


City  and  County  of  New  York,  ss. — Moses  H  Grinnell,  of  the  city  of  N.  York 
being  duly  sworn,  doth  depose  and  say,  that  he  has  read  the  depositions  of  J.  D 
Stevenson  and  others  contained  in  the  Standard  of  this  morning,  and  that  the  same, 
as  far  as  they  implicate  this  deponent,  are  untrue ;  that  this  deponent  never  did,  di- 
rectly, or  indirectly,  employ  the  said  Jas.  B.  Glentworth  to  go  to  Philadelphia  or 
any  other  place,  for  the  purpose  of  procuring  persons  to  come  on  to  this  city  for  the 
purpose  of  voting  ;  nor  has  he  any  knowledge  or  belief  that  he  was  so  employed  by 
any  person  or  persons  ;  this  deponent  remembers  that  previous  to  the  fall  election  of 
1838,  there  was  report  in  this  city,  which  was  believed  by  this  deponent,  that  the 
Loco  Foco  party  of  Philadelphia  and  other  places,  intended  to  send  to  this  city  per- 
sons not  entitled  to  vote,  for  the  purpose  of  voting  their  ticket;  and  that  it  was 
therefore  deemed  advisable  by  this  deponent  and  otners,  that  persons  who  were  ac- 
quainted with  the  residents  of  Philadelpliia  and  other  places  should  attend  the  polls 
for  the  purpose  of  detecting  any  such  illegal  voters,  if  any  such  should  appear  ;  that 
this  deponent  never  had  any  conversation  with  said  Glentworth  in  relation  to  his 
going  to  Philadelphia,  nor  did  he  even  know  that  he  had  gone  to  Philadelphia  until 
some  time  after  he  had  gone  ;  that  the  first  knowledge  of  deponent  that  he  was  in 
Philadelphia  arose  from  reports  or  letters  intimating  that  the  said  Glentworth  was 
about  employing  persons  to  come  on  to  this  city  for  the  purpose  of  voting  ;  that  this 
deponent,  immediately  after  hearing  such  reports,  was  consulted  by  R.  M.  Blatchfbrd, 
Simeon  Draper,  Jr.,  and  James  Bowen,  as  to  the  most  effectual  mode  of  preventing 
the  consummation  of  such  plan,  if  any  such  was  contemplated  by  the  said  J.  B. 
Glentworth  ;  and  that  thereupon  the  letter  following  was  sent  to  the  said  J.  B.  Glent- 
worth. 

New  York,  Oct.  3K,  1838. 
"  Dear  Sir — Two  of  your  letters,  written  yesterday,  have  found  their  way  to  this 
city  ;  the  project  which  you  laid  out  is  not  wholly  understood  by  your  friends  here. 
The  position  which  they  consider  themselves  placed  in,  is  easily  summed  up,  and 
their  only  fear  is  that  you  may  have  misunderstood  their  motives  and  desires.  If  you 
have  made  any  arrangements  which  in  any  way  tend  to  any  thing  beyond  a  general 
supervision  of  the  polls  for  the  purpose  of  detecting  and  preventing  illt-gal  voting, 
you  must  at  once  unequivocally  abandon  it,  and  look  to  them  for  any  expense  which 
your  precipitate  steps  may  have  occasioned.  We  value  the  cause  as  higiily  as  any 
portion  of  our  fellow  citizens  value  it,  but  we  are  determined  not  to  enter  into  any 


10 


sort  of  arrangement  which,  under  any  circumstances,  could  be  construed  into  a  bar- 
gain for  foreign  votes.  We  therefore  take  the  earliest  and  most  effective  mode  of 
saying  to  you  that,  while  we  are  ready  to  submit  to  the  expense  which  you  have 
incurred  in  your  preliminary  arrangement,  we  will  not  countenance  any  system 
which  can  in  any  way  encourage  the  importation  of  voters. 

"  We  know  your  desires,  and  shall  be  willing  to  meet  your  wishes,  provided  they 
are  based  upon  the  simple  point  of  protecting  the  rights  of  the  honest  voters,  which 
we  deem  your  only  hope  or  expectation." 

And  this  deponent  most  solemnly  asserts,  that  he  never  did  directly  or  indirectly 
employ  the  said  J.  B.  Glentworth  or  any  other  person  or  persons  to  go  to  Philadel- 
phia or  to  any  other  place,  for  the  purpose  of  procuring  persons  to  vote  in  this  city, 
at  the  elections  of  1838  or  1839,  or  at  any  other  election,  or  at  any  other  place ;  nor 
does  he  know  or  believe  that  he  was  so  employed  by  any  person  or  persons ;  and 
that  if  any  persons  were  so  procured  by  the  said  J.  B.  Glentworth,  or  if  any  such 
persons  did  vote  at  any  election,  who  were  not  entitled  to  vote,  the  same  was  done 
without  the  knowledge,  consent  or  approbation  of  this  deponent;  and  as  far  as 
deponent  knows  or  believes,  without  the  knowledge,  consent  or  approbation  of  the 
said  R.  M.  Blatchford,  James  Bowen,  or  Simeon  Draper,  Jr. 

M.  H.  GRINNELL. 

Sworn  to  before  me,  the  23d  day  of  October,  1840. 

a  S.  WOODHULL,  Judge  of  New  York  Common  Pleas. 

STATEMENT  OF  JOHN  SWIFT, 

Mayor  of  the  City  of  Philadelphia. 

I  have  read  the  affidavit  of  J.  D.  Stevenson,  published  in  the  New  York  Evening 
Post  of  the  28th  inst.,  and  now  proceed  to  slate  all  my  knowledge  in  relation  to  the 
matter  to  which  it  refers,  and  in  relation  to  the  said  Stevenson. 

I  know  James  B.  Glentworth  of  New  York,  I  saw  him  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia 
in  the  month  of  October,  1838.  At  that  time  I  was  not  the  Mayor  of  the  City  of 
Philadelphia  and  held  no  public  office  whatever.  Mr.  Glentworth  called  on  me  in 
company  with  Mr.  Robert  Swartwfiut  of  New  York,  at  my  dwelling.  No.  107  South 
Tenth  street.  Mr,  Glentworth  stated  to  me  that  there  were  great  and  reasonble  ap- 
prehensions on  the  part  of  our  friends,  of  an  importation  of  votes  into  New  York, 
from  this  city,  and  they  were  desirous,  if  it  were  possible,  to  have  there  at  their  com- 
ing election  a  select  number  of  persons  of  general  acquaintance,  residing  in  Phila- 
delphia, for  the  purpose  of  watching  the  polls  of  the  several  wards  to  prevent  the 
reception  of  illegal  votes,  by  detecting  those  who  might  come  from  the  city  of  Phila- 
delphia to  offer  them, 

I  approved  of  the  purpo?e.  I  told  him  I  would  turn  the  matter  over  in  my  mind 
and  if  he  would  call  the  next  morning  I  would  do  all  in  my  power  to  assist.  I  would 
determine  who  could  best  promote  this  object.  Nothing  more  passed  at  that  time  on 
the  subject,  and  the  gentlemen  then  retired.  On  my  way  down  the  street  the  next 
day  I  met  Robert  Miller,  a  deputy  sheriff,  and  I  told  him  there  was  a  gentleman  at 
the  United  States  Hotel  who  wanted  to  see  him.  I  think  I  went  down  to  the  United 
States  Hotel  with  Mr.  Miller,  and  there  introduced  him  to  Mr.  Glentworth,  and  left 
them.  I  may  have  seen  Mr.  Glentworth  again  during  that  visit  to  the  city,  but  I  held 
no  further  conversation  with  him  on  the  subject  of  his  visit. 

I  am  positive  1  never  on  any  occasion,  heard  Mr.  Glentworth  propose  that  persons 
should  be  sent  on  to  New  Y  ork  for  the  purpose  of  voting. 

1  never  was  at  the  house  of  Mr.  George  Riston  with  Robert  Miller,  James  Young, 
or  Mr.  James  B.  Glentworth.  I  know  nothing  of  any  money  ever  having  been  paid 
to  Mr.  Miller  or  Mr  Young,  by  Glentworth,  or  by  any  one  else  on  this  business.  I 
never  on  this  or  any  other  occasion  raised  money  in  conjunction  with  Mr.  Badger 
and  others,  to  pay  men  for  going  to  New  York,  nor  after  they  had  come  f'-om  New 
York. 

On  the  evening  of  Sunday,  the  11th  of  October,  inst.,  I  was  in  my  house  in  Tenth 
street,  and  was  informed  by  my  servant  that  a  gentleman  wished  to  see  me.  I  found 
in  my  parlor  a  person  who  was  unknown  to  me.  He  presented  to  me  a  letter,  of 
which  the  following  is  a  copy,  of  which  the  original  is  now  in  my  possession. 

Dear  Sir — The  bearer  will  explain  to  you  personally  his  wishes,  he  is  entitled  to  your 
entire  conhdence.  Your  most  ob't  serv't, 

James  B.  Glentworth. 


11 


New  York,  October  1 0, 1840. 
Hon.  John  Swift,  Philadelphia. 

This  letter  I  believed  to  be  in  Mr.  Glentworth's  hand  writing,  of  which  I  have  no 
particular  knowledge.  The  confidence  with  which  it  was  handed  to  me,  removed 
from  me  every  suspicion  as  to  his  authenticity. 

I  asked  the  bearer,  immediately  on  reading  it,  what  Mr.  Glentworth's  object  was. 
He  replied  that  they  wanted  some  men  sent  on  to  New  York,  as  they  were  sent  in 
1838.  I  asked  if  he  meant  men  to  detect  illegal  voters.  He  said  he  presumed  that 
was  the  intention  of  Mr.  Glentworth.  I  told  him  that  I  would  see  what  could  be 
done,  and  requested  him  to  call  at  my  public  office  between  nine  and  ten  o'clock 
the  next  day.  I  did  not  at  this  interview  know,  nor  did  I  inquire  the  name  of 'the 
person  with  whom  I  was  conversing.  The  names  of  Young,  or  Miller,  or  any  of  my 
officers  were  not  mentioned  during  this  conversation,  nor  did  I  say  that  if  he  would 
come  to  my  office  in  the  morning  1  would  by  a  wink  point  out  Miller  or  Young  to 
him,  nor  any  thing  to  that  eftect.  Nor  did  Stevenson  say  to  me  he  wished  to  get 
names  registered,  nor  any  thing  of  that  kind.  Mr.  Bela  Badger's  name  was  not  men- 
tioned by  either  of  us  at  this  interview ;  not  one  word  was  said  by  either  him  or  me, 
in  relation  to  Mr.  Riston  having  cashed  checks. 

On  the  next  day,  between  nine  and  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning,  while  I  was  en- 

f acred  in  my  office,  the  same  individual  entered;  I  addressed  and  asked  his  name; 
e°then  for  the  first  time  told  me  his  name  was  Stevenson;  I  understood  suhsquently 
Jrom  Miller  that  he  called  himself  Jarvis,  to  him;  before  Stevenson  came  into  my 
office  however,  I  had  seen  Mr.  Miller,  and  mentioned  to  him,  that  there  was  a  gen- 
tleman from  New  York,  who  wanted  to  get  persons  to  go  to  New  York  to  detect  illegal 
voters  from  this  city,  the  same  as  they  had  done  in  1838  ;  after  Stevenson  had  men- 
tioned his  name  as  stated  above,  Mr.  Miller  came  into  my  office  to  make  his  report 
to  me  as  captain  of  the  watch ;  I  then  said  to  Miller,  this  is  the  gentleman  to  whom 
I  referred,  upon  which  they  left  the  office  together ;  since  that  moment  I  have  not 
seen  Mr.  Stevenson.  I  do  solemnly  declare  that  I  have  never  either  directly  or  in- 
directly aided,  assisted  or  connived  at  the  reception  of  an  illegal  vote,  either  in  the 
city  of  Philadelphia  or  in  any  part  of  the  United  States.  JOHN  SWIFT. 

Sworn  and  subscribed,  this  24th  day  of  October,  1S40,  before  me, 

GEORGE  GRISCOM,  Aldermaft. 

It  will  be  observed  that  Stevenson,  according  to  the  testimony  of 
Mayor  Swift,  assumed  a  false  character.  Here  is  his  own  statement 
under  oath  to  the  same  point. 

"  Jona.  D  Stevenson,  deposes  that,  on  the  13th  day  of  this  present  month,  he 
went  to  Philadelpjiia,  and  there,  pretending  to  be  a  whig,  entered  into  negotia- 
tions with  Jame/  Young,  High  Constable  of  Philadelphia,  to  procure  a  number  of 
men  who  should  come  here  and  fraudulently  vote  the  whig  ticket,  as  had  been  done 
in  1838." 

Here  we  have  on  the  one  side,  the  testimony  of  a  man  who  changed 
his  name  and  his  politics,  who  attempted,  by  his  own  admission,  to 

MISLEAD  UNFAIRLY   and   DISHONORABLY,   HIS   POLITICAL  OPPONENTS,  a 

man  manifestly  without  character  or  standing  in  the  community,  and 
on  the  other,  THE  TESTIMONY,  UNDER  OATH,  OF  SIX  OF 
AS  PURE  PATRIOTS  AND  HONEST  MEN  AS  THE  COUN- 
TRY CONTAINS.  Shall  the  character  of  such  men  as  these  be 
LIED  away  by  an  UNPRINCIPLED  POLITICAL  DESPERADO? 

The  upright  citizens,  who  have  thus  wantonly  and  unjustifiably  been 
assailed,  have,  we  have  seen^  most  triumphantly  disproved  the  disin- 
terested charges  of  the  tool  of  the  New  York  office-holders.  They 
have  also  taken  the  only  step  recognised  by  the  law  for  the  protection 
of  their  good  names.  The  venal  Loco-foco  presses  of  New  York  City, 
and  the  Albany  Argus,  have  been  sued  for  their  disgraceful  libels. 
The  Boston  Morning  Post  and  the  Bay  State  Democrat,  have  been 
sued  in  the  sum  of  $10,000  each,  by  Moses  H.  Grinnell,  and  Robert 


12 


C.  Wetmore  has  prosecuted  the  Post  for  the  same  amount  of  damages. 
To  the  honor  of  these  gentlemen  be  it  said,  that  they  have  forborne 
any  seizure  of  the  presses  of  these  violent  papers,  unlike  the  conscien- 
tious office-holders  of  Maine,  who  were  compelled  in  order  to  save 
their  characters,  to  stifle  the  voice  of  truth,  as  uttered  by  the 
Portland  Advertiser. 

The  foul  calumnies  have  been  hurled  back  upon  the  heads  of  the 
utterers,  and  men  whom  the  OFFICE-HOLDERS  attempted  to  crush 
have  never  appeared  more  pure  or  bright  than  when  contrasted  with 
such  blackness. 

Moses  H.  Grinnell,  it  will  be  remembered,  is  one  of  the  most  eminent 
merchants  in  New  York,  and  represents  that  city  in  the  present  Con- 
gress. His  constituents  again  nominated  him  as  a  candidate  for  the 
same  office,  but  his  private  engagements  were  of  such  a  nature  as  to 
make  such  a  service  of  the  greatest  personal  inconvenience.  But,  on 
the  publication  of  the  infamous  libels  which  we  are  holding  up  to  pub- 
lic abhorrence,  he  consented  to  allow  his  fellow-citizens,  in  a  manner 
not  to  be  gainsayed,  to  stamp  their  denial  of  the  foul  charges  brought 
against  him.  Here  is  his  manly  and  dignified  letter  to  his  constituents. 
Let  every  man  read  it. 

ADDRESS  OF  HON.  MOSES  H.  GRINNELL. 
To  the  Electors  of  the  Third  Congressional  District  of  the  State  of 

New  York. 
Fellow  citizens  and  Constituents  : 

Induced  by  pecuhar  circumstances,  affecting  your  interests  and 
my  character,  to  consent  again  to  be  proposed  to  your  suffrages,  I 
deem  it  a  duty  and  a  happiness  to  address  you  on  the  subject.  As 
is  well  known  to  my  friends,  and  to  most  of  you,  the  honor  of  being 
your  representative  in  the  present  Congress  was  not  sought  by  me. 
It  was  accepted  against  every  consideration  of  private  advantage  and 
personal  comfort ;  it  was  accepted  only  that  whatever  my  influence, 
character  and  services  might  avail  in  the  support  of  a  cause  believed 
by  me  worthy  of  my  support  should  not,  from  personal  considera- 
tions, be  withheld.  The  only  reward  in  the  services  I  undertook, 
was  the  honor  you  conferred,  and  the  satisfaction  of  a  faithful  dis- 
charge of  my  duty. 

This  term  of  service  ended,  I  thought  myself  warranted  in  retir- 
ing, and  have  resisted  all  applications  to  change  this  purpose.  But 
an  attempt  has  been  made  to  defraud  the  whole  people  of  the  Unit- 
ed States  by  a  plot,  of  which  I  am  personally  one  of  the  intended 
victims — impeaching  my  good  name  and  my  title  to  the  honorable 
office  of  being  your  representative,  as  having  been  procured  by 
fraud. 

This  attempt  has  originated  in  a  conspiracy  contrived  by  men  in 
lucrative  offices  ;  it  has  been  carried  on  by  a  degrading  abuse  of  the 
forms  of  law  ;  it  has  been  made  to  bear  at  once  upon  all  the  now 
pending  elections  of  the  Union.    Although  I  am  singled  out  as  one 


13 


of  the  victims,  yet  the  success  of  this  attempt  is  a  question  of  far 
more  consequence  to  you  than  to  me;  a  question  of  far  more  impor- 
tance to  the  future  than  the  present.  Because,  if  unprincipled  and 
desiiminf^  men,  havino^  at  command  a  venal  press, — that  press  and 
themselves  gorged  with  the  public  money,  having  the  control  of  the 
post  office  and  the  ascendency  in  the  courts  of  justice, — can  be  suc- 
cessful in  effecting  the  election  of  a  chief  magistrate  by  misrepresen- 
tation and  fraud,  then  will  such  elections  be  no  longer  the  reward  of 
illustrious  virtue  or  conspicuous  public  service.  If  this  attempt  by  a 
plot  to  effect  such  an  election,  shall  now  be  successful,  the  highest 
of  offices  will  only  be  the  premium  for  the  boldest  frauds  and  the 
greatest  perversion  of  official  station. 

The  attempt  to  which  I  allude,  is  that  made  before  Mr.  Recorder 
Morris,  to  charge  the  election  of  1838  to  have  been  carried  by  frauds 
on  the  part  of  those  who  have  honored  me  with  their  votes :  and  the 
manner  in  which  the  contrivers  of  the  plot  have  endeavored  to  af- 
fect me,  bring  me  prominently  to  your  views,  as  one  bound  to  piesent 
it  to  your  condemnation. 

In  relation  to  these  charges,  permit  me  as  one  known  to  you  from 
early  life  as  a  man  of  integrity  and  truth,  to  say  that  it  is  wholly  un- 
true that  on  that  or  any  other  occasion,  I  ever  aided,  encouraged,  as- 
sented to,  or  approved  of  any  fraudulent  procuring  of  votes  from 
Philadelphia  or  elsewhere. 

I  never  had  any  knowledge  of  any  such  votes  being  procured, 
sought  or  given.  I  never  have  contributed  money  or  any  other  thing 
for  any  such  purpose.  1  never  w^as  present  at  any  meeting,  at  any 
place,  with  James  B.  Glentworth.  It  is  wholly  untrue  that  at  my 
instance,  or  \¥ith  my  knowledge,  he  was  sent  to  Philadelphia,  nor 
had  I  any  agency,  direct  or  indirect,  in  his  mission.  In  giving  this 
denial,  I  intentionally  make  it,  in  the  broadest  form,  to  deny  every 
illegal,  dishonorable  or  unfair  means  pretended  to  be  charged  in  the 
papers  taken  before  Mr.  Recorder  Morris. 

In  entire  innocence  of  these  charges  permit  me  to  call  your  atten- 
tion to  the  manner  in  which  they  have  been  got  up  and  put  forth. 

The  Recorder  of  New  York,  Robert  H.  Morris,  at  the  head  of 
the  criminal  court  of  this  city,  departs  from  the  usual  practice  of  his 
place  and  condescends  to  aid  in  the  taking  of  depositions  intended 
to  operate  upon  the  public  mind.  The  depositions  relate  to  matters 
appearing  in  party  papers  two  years  ago,  then  pretended  to  be  known, 
and  slept  upon  until  the  eve  of  the  present  election.  As  a  judge  of 
the  Court  of  Sessions,  he  well  knew  that  those  who  were  proceeded 
against  were  to  be  tried  before  him  ;  he  well  knows  how  important 
to  a  fair  trial  it  is  that  the  judgments  of  the  body  of  the  people 
should  not  be  prejudiced  ;  that  the  circulation  of  ea:  j^ar^e  depositions, 
having  the  imposing  form  which  he  sought  to  confer  on  those  then 
2 


u 


before  him,  would  render  the  procuring  of  an  impartial  jury  impossi- 
ble ;  and  he  could  scarcely  be  insensible  to  the  serious  effect  of  such 
imputations  upon  all  who  were  the  subjects  of  them. 

Yet  while  the  proceedings  were  pending  before  him,  he  allows 
copies  of  the  depositions  to  be  taken  by  the  conductors  of  the  press 
of  a  party,  and,  as  1  am  told,  himself  at  midnight  superintends  the 
press,  going  from  the  bench  to  the  printing  office,  with  the  purpose 
of  their  being  spread  in  the  widest  extent  and  with  the  greatest  effect ; 
for  the  purpose  of  being  made  effective  upon  elections  in  other  States, 
too  near  at  hand  to  adtnit  of  any  contradiction,  certainly  of  any  con- 
tradiction under  a  form  equally  imposing. 

My  fellow  citizens,  was  this  acting  as  a  minister  of  Justice  ?  Did 
it  show  the  honor  of  a  gentleman,  or  the  fairness  of  an  honest  man  ? 
Are  political  opponents  to  be  thus  hunted  down  by  beagles  from  the 
bench  ?  Are  you  safe  if  such  proceedings  are  sanctioned  ?  To  you 
is  now  put  the  question,  whether  this  defilement  of  the  ermine  (how 
costly  a  sacrifice  to  an  upright  judge  !)  shall  be  permitted  to  achieve 
the  success  of  a  trick. 

But  this  example  in  a  high  place  had  its  full  effect  upon  the  subor- 
dinates. The  slanders  once  set  on  foot  with  the  garb  of  official  so- 
lemnity, were  circulated  with  less  of  scruple.  Hand-bills  were 
struck  off  at  Boston  even  anterior  to  the  publication  here,  and  circu- 
lated throughout  all  New  England,  and  especially  were  flooded  into 
New  Bedford,  the  place  of  my  birth  and  the  abode  of  my  father  and 
brothers.  So  that  in  addition  to  publication  simultaneously  in  New 
England,  Pennsylvania,  Washington,  Maryland,  and  doubtless  in  the 
other  States  in  the  party  newspapers,  every  additional  publicity  was 
given  that  a  slanderous  ingenuity  could  contrive  ;  it  has  received  all 
that  petty  publicity  which  the  wonder-telling  hand-bill  could  excrte, 
with  the  addition  in  Boston,  that  I  had  absconded  to  avoid  arrest. 

You,  my  fellow  citizens,  know  what  it  is  to  bear  a  good  name  ; 
how  the  enjoyment  from  this  source  is  increased  in  knowing  it  to  be 
respected  and  cherished  by  the  friends  of  our  early  life.  You  can- 
not fail  to  know  how  the  defiming  of  that  good  name  cuts  those 
friends  to  the  heart.  You  know  my  standing  as  a  merchant;  you 
know  how^  mercantile  credit  and  a  reputation  for  integrity  ought  to 
be  appreciated  ;  how  slowly  it  is  gained,  how  easily  it  can  be  vio" 
lated  ;  and  I  leave  it  to  you  to  express  your  condemnation  of  this 
unjust  and  ungenerous  course.  It  is  for  you  to  say  whether  the 
heavy  interests  of  the  office-holders  shall  be  thus  promoted,  at  the 
expense  of  that  which  in  private  life  is  sacred,  and  in  public  life  so 
noble  as  an  honest  name. 

But  there  are  circumstances  giving  to  this  injury  a  still  more  dan- 
gerous aspect.  I  only  speak  now  from  the  documents  signed  by  the 
actors  themselves.    The  apparent  setter  forth  of  the  storv.  Mr.  J. 


D.  Stevenson,  was  in  that  position  and  character,  that  accusations 
by  him,  unsupported  and  uncountenanced,  would  have  received  little 
notice  and  done  little  damage.  The  frankness,  too,  of  the  pretended 
disclosures  from  the  alleged  agent  in  the  frauds  which  Stevenson 
pretends  to  develope,  was  not  a  little  remarkable,  and  remarkably 
suspicious.    Stevenson  knew  well  that  he  must  have  better  aid. 

He  addresses  himself  to  Mr.  Butler,  the  United  States  attorney, 
and  Mr.  Hoyt,  the  collector  of  the  customs,  and  they  meet  toi^anher 
at  Hoyt's  house,  in  an  interview,  which  the  latter,  with  unfeigned 
simplicity,  calls  "  wholly  accidental."  Mr.  Butler,  under  his  own 
hand,  admits  to  us  that  G  lent  worth  came  upon  an  expectation  to  sell 
disclosures  for  the  purchase  and  reward  of  office  ;  they  well  knew 
the  character  and  standing  of  those  whom  he  was  to  assail. 

Tliey  cannot  expect  us  to  believe  that  they  were  unacquainted 
with  the  pretended  secrets  of  Stevenson,  and  yet  do  they  repel  the 
informer  ?  Do  they  take  fire  of  the  insult  of  being  applied  to,  to 
sell  their  influence,  their  recommendation  to  office  in  return  for  the 
accusation  of  their  fellow  citizens?  Can  it  be  that  the  frequent 
prostitution  of  that  influence,  the  habit  of  rewarding  party  sei  vices 
with  the  spoils  of  office,  had  deadened  the  sense  of  insult  at  being 
applied  to  for  such  a  purpose?  Certain  it  is,  that  the  man,  coming 
as  an  informer,  asking  to  be  suborned,  was  not  neglected. 

Tlie  powei  s  of  persuasion  of  Mr.  Butler  were,  as  he  says,  used  to 
repel  the  idea  of  an  official  reward  ;  and  on  him  the  whole  of  this 
service  appears  to  have  devolved.  But  did  it  not  occur  to  those 
men.  at  that  interview,  that  the  very  proposal  made  to  them,  showed 
that  they  mus»  be  dealing,  if  their  own  statement  be  true,  with  one 
who  was  unworthy  of  belief,  and  an  unfit  associate  ;  that  their  duty 
to  their  neighbor's  good  name  as  well  as  to  truth  and  honor,  required 
them  to  have  no  communication  with  what  must  have  seemed  to 
them  so  polluted  a  source?  But  they  held  on  to  the  man  ;  tried  "to 
persuade  him  to  their  service  ;  and  finding  themselves  unable,  they 
fall  back  u[)on  the  retailed  hearsay  of  the  original  Stevenson. 

This  it  is  which  they  have  spread  abroad  in  order  to  divert  from 
public  questions  the  attention  of  an  intelligent  and  honest  people,  to 
divert  from  official  misconduct  and  bad  government,  the  indignation 
of  an  awakened  nation. 

Upon  tlris  plot,  base  in  all  its  aspects,  and  upon  its  authors,  I 
invoke  your  just  sentence.  Shall  this  abortive  tampering  lipen  into 
a  successful  fraud?  This  question,  my  fellow  citizens,  is  for  you  to 
decide. 

The  extent  to  which  dependents  upon  the  public  treasury  have 
interfered  with  elections  is  already  as  shameless  in  its  character  as 
it  is  dangerous  in  its  tendency.  Their  interference  to  its  present 
extent  in  our  elections  is  a  most  formidable  evil,  always  operating 


I 


16 

to  shelter  official  misconduct  and  to  oppose  salutary  reforms.  Op- 
position to  this  system  is  one  of  the  principles  of  the  party  with 
which  I  act. 

But  how  is  this  danger  increased  when  the  officers  of  the  Federal 
Government  convene  as  a  body  of  inquisitors,  and  seek  to  procure 
from  a  man  appearing  before  them,  as  they  themselves  say,  without 
any  credibility,  and  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  being  suborned, 
charges  of  fraud  upon  their  fellow  citizens  ?  Charges  against  m,en 
whom  they  assail  for  opposing  their  opinions  and  jeoparding  their 
offices.  My  fellow  citizens,  it  is  for  you  to  say  whether  such  a  sys- 
tem shall  receive  your  sanction. 

To  me,  personally,  your  service  in  Congress  now  will  be  a  most 
costly  sacrifice  of  time,  of  private  interest,  and  domestic  comfort. 
But  1  know  that  in  offering  to  sacrifice  them,  1  do  but  discharge  a 
duty  both  to  you  and  to  myself ;  to  you  as  presenting  the  question 
not  merely  whether  you  will  sanction  the  general  measures  of  the 
present  Administration,  but  whether  you  will  permit  the  offices, 
which  are  wholly  your  gift,  to  be  thus  prostituted  and  abused  —  a 
duty  to  myself,  as  throwing  myself  upon  your  sense  of  justice,  as 
well  as  your  hatred  of  fraud  and  tricks,  for  a  triumph  over  such  a 
combination. 

My  fellow  citizens,  those  who  are  the  actors  in  this  attempt  at 
operating  upon  our  election  of  a  chief  magistrate,  have  shown  how 
unscrupulous  they  are  of  public  wrong  and  private  injury.  It  will 
be  most  extraordinary  if,  with  the  stake  before  them,  they  shall  omit 
any  effort  which  may  promise  success.  Slander  and  falsehood  they 
readily  wield  ;  that  they  are  not  shocked  at  subornation,  their  tam- 
pering with  Glentworth  fully  shows.  That  they  will  attempt  to  cover 
me  with  slanders  ;  that  they  will,  in  some  other  mode,  seek  to  impose 
other  falsehoods,  at  a  time  too  late  for  contradiction,  I  am  not  to 
doubt  :  I  fearlessly  encounter  them  all. 

I  bare  myself  to  their  attacks.  Upon  your  intelligence,  your  aver- 
sion to  such  principles  of  management,  upon  your  fixed  determina- 
tion for  reform,  I  rely  for  your  suffrages:  upon  your  care  for  your 
own  honor,  your  sentiments  as  honest  men,  and  your  general  intelli- 
gence I  rely  for  protection  of  my  good  name  against  persecution  and 
calumny. 

MOSES  H.  GRINNELL. 

New  York,  October  26,  1840. 

Having  thus  proved  the  falsity  of  the  first  charges  against  the  Whig 
party  in  New  York,  we  now  proceed  to  show  that  the  conspiracy  was 
extensive  in  its  branches — that  it  was  understood,  if  it  did  not 
ORIGINATE  AT  THR  SEAT  OF  GOVERNMENT,  that  preparations  were  made 
throughout  the  country  before  its  publication,  for  a  speedy  circulation 
of  the  falsehood,  and  that,  in  fact,  it  is  a  most  high  handed  and 

WICKED  CONSPIUaCY  TO  CHEAT  THE   PEOPLE   OF  THEIR  RIGHTS. 


17 


Proofs  can  be  multiplied  to  any  extent  to  show  tliat  the  scheme  Mas 
extensively  prepared  tor  circulalion.  The  sleek  olfice  holder,  Butler, 
had  been  boasting  for  a  number  of  weeks,  of  a  certain  last  card,  which 
was  to  utterly  annihilate  tlie  Whig  party.  Tiie  whole  loco  foco  party 
was  on  ihe  alert  for  the  wonderful  diisclosures.  In  Massachusetts,  for 
a  week  previous,  hints  were  given  to  tlie  party  that  Van  Buren  was  yet 
to  be  saved.  In  Pennsylvania,  as  appears  by  tlie  letters  of  Naylor  and 
other  authority,  the  infamous  frauds  of  the  office-holders  were  more 
than  suspected. 

The  Globe  thus  intimates  its  cognizance  of  the  whole  affair,  a  few 
days  previous  to  its  final  explosion  : 

"There  are  proofs  in  embryo,  vv'hich  will  one  day  see  the  light,  and  blast  the  eyes 
of  the  perpetrators,  while  they  astonish  the  honest,  upright  Democracy,  which  est;ib- 
lieh  beyond  contradiction,  the  fact  that  the  city  of  New  York  has  been  once,  at  least, 
cheated  out  of  her  legitimate  representation,  by  the  importation  of  whig  voters  from 
Philadelphia,  paid  tor  at  so  much  a  head,  like  so  many  cattle,  and  carried  from  ward 
to  ward,  until  their  votes  were  multiplied  seventeen  times !" 

We  see  by  this  extract  that  the  whole  matter  was  understood  at  head 
quarters.  Indeed,  the  plot  was  worthy  of  the  divine  Amos  Ken- 
dall. 

Now  comes  the  Examination.  We  believe  that  this  is  the  first 
instance  on  record  of  an  American  Court  conducting  an  examination 
to  which  only  one  side  was  admitted.  Where  it  was  held,  the  follow- 
ing extract  from  Mr.  Grinnell's  testimony  will  show  : 

"He  had,  he  said,  a  subpoena,  directing  him  to  appear  before  the  Recorder,  at  his 
office.  Ha  had  spent  two  dnijs  in  hunting  for  the  Rrcorder.  He  had  been  to  the 
Court  of  Sessions,  the  tombs,  City  Hall,  at  Mr.  Morris's  office,  5  Nassau  street,  and 
had  at  last  been  directed  to  this  place.  Mr.  Matsell  said,  he  could  himself  answer 
the  purpose,  but  the  District  Attorney  was  now  absent,  and  he  could  n't  do  nothing 
without  Mr.  WWting.  '  Mr.  Glentworth's  business,'  continued  Mr.  Matsell,  '  is 
pretty  nearly  over,  and  perhaps  we  sha  nt  want  you,  Mr.  Grinnell.'  Mr.  Grinnell  ex- 
pressed his  anxiety  to  make  his  .statement,  in  obedience  to  the  requisition  of  the  sub- 
poena, and  that  without  delay.  He  had  been  vilified  and  slandered  in  a  most  outrageous 
manner,  and  was  desirous  tuat  the  public  mind  should  be  set  aright  in  the  matter. 
Mr.  Whiting  not  appearing,  however,  it  was  arranged  that  Mr.  Grinnell's  examina- 
tion should  be  deferred  till  Monday  morning,  when  Mr.  Grinnell  withdrew." 

We  shall  again  rake  up  this  impartial  Court. 

When  this  examination  had  commenced  as  before  stated,  extras 
were  forwarded  to  all  parts  of  the  country,  announcing  in  incendiary 
language,  the  fictitious  fraud.  And  it  is  a  fact  pretty  well  ascertained, 
that  special  messengers  were  sent  into  Maine  from  Boston,  before  the 
arrival  of  the  New  York  Mail.  In  Albany,  a  clerk  in  the  Post  Office 
was  taken  from  his  duties,  and  sent  with  a  large  quantity  of  the  Extras 
for  circulation  in  Western  New  York.  Heaven  be  praised  that  this 
iniquitous  project  has  been  so  successfully  defeated,  and  its  insti- 
gators iind  framers  covered  with  eternal  infamy  ! 

But  there  is  one  thing  yet  to  he  stated  which  is  of  still  greater  im- 
portance. It  is  in  evidence  under  oath  that  bribes  were  offered  to 
Glentworth  to  imf)licate  in  some  manner  the  Whig  party.  Let  every 
unprejudiced  man  read  the  testimony  of  Glentworth  and  judge  for 
himself? 

2* 


18 


JS'ew  York,  ss. — James  B.  Glentworth,  of  the  city  of  New  York,  being  duly  wvorn, 
STith  that  within  the  last  thirty  days,  at  dilFerent  times  and  places,  in  the  city  of  New 
York,  he  has  been  ap[)lied  to  by  Jonathan  D.  Stevenson,  Benjamin  F.  Builer,  U.  S. 
District  Attorney,  Jesse  Hoyt,  Collector,  and  John  W.  Edmonds,  to  make  state- 
ments that  should  implicate  Governor  Seward,  and  the  leading  friends  of  the  Gover- 
nor in  New  York,  in  a  charge  of  having  countenanced  frauds  at  the  election  in  New 
York  city  in  the  year  1838. 

That  a  few  days  ago,  deponent  was  induced  by  said  Stevenson  to  go  to  the  house 
of  said  B.  F.  Butler,  and  at  the  door  of  which  Mr.  Edmonds  joined  us,  and  we  went 
together  to  the  house  of  said  Jesse  Hoyt,  Esq.,  which  we  entered  and  found  Mr.  Hoyt 
at  home.  Presently  we  were  joined  by  Mr.  Butler — for  a  few  minutes  nothing  was 
said,  when  Mr.  Edmonds  remarked,  '^wc  hud  hetter  proceed  to  business." 

Thereupon  Mr.  Butler  said  Mr  Stevenson  had  lately  made  important  disclosures 
to  him,  affecting  the  Whig  party,  and  if  deponent  would  come  forward  and  make 
the  iiec*^ssary  proof,  great  good  would  follow  from  it — that  deponent  would  thereby 
take  a  high  stand— that  deponent  had  been  denounced  by  the  Whigs  as  a  Loco  Foco 
— and  had  nothing  to  expect  from  that  party — but  he  had  everything  to  expect  from 
the  other  party — that  deponent  would  earn  the  lasting  gratitude  of  the  country  ;  for 
his  own  part,  as  to  money,  he  would  divide  his  last  cent,  or  last  crust  with  deponent. 
Th'-reupon,  Mr.  Hoyt  said  he  would  do  the  same. 

And  deponent  further  saith,that  the  said  Stevenson  repeatedly  assured  deponent 
that  if  he  would  take  a  stand  against  them,  the  Whigs,  the  party  (meaning  the  ad- 
ministration party)  would  be  unaer  such  obligations  to  me  that  I  could  have  any  office, 
or  liny  money,  and  especially  that  Mr.  Van  Buren  would  do  any  thing  for  me  ;  and 
that  1  should  have  the  office  of  Consul  at  Havre  ;  that  Mr.  Brent,  who  now  has  the 
office,  was  old,  and  could  be  put  out,  as- he  ioas  appointed  by  Gen.  Jackson  ;  and  that 
he,  Stevenson,  would  go  to  Washington  about  it,  but  that  was  unnecessary,  as  Mr. 
Butler  and  Mr.  Edmonds,  who  were  the  confidential  friends  of  the  P/  ftst</c«i,  could  and 
would  effect  it. 

On  another  occasion  Stevenson,  to  operate  upon  this  deponent,  said  Mr.  Butler 
would  give  a  thousand  dollars,  and  Mri  Hoyt  the  same,  towards  paying  a  certain  de- 
mand against  me.  That  last  Sunday  morning  Mr.  Edmonds  wrote  a  note  to  depo- 
nent, requesting  deponent  to  call  at  Edmonds'  house,  and  deponent  upon  rer-eiving 
the  note  went  there,  when  Edmonds  said,  well,  I  understand  you  have  concluded  not 
to  be  of  any  service  to  us.  To  which  deponent  replied,  that  he  had  so  determined. 
Whereupon  said  Edmonds  then  threatened  deponent,  f/mi  diponent  jcould  be  prose- 
cuted— and  deponent  further  saith  that  Stevenson  said  to  deponent,  that  he  would 
compel  the  Governor  to  re-appoint  me  to  the  office  of  Inspector — that  he,  Stevenson, 
would  meet  Mr.  Grinnell.  or  Mr.  Bowen  with  me,  and  with  a  pair  of  loaded  pistols, 
he,  Stevenson,  would  compel  them  to  pledge  themselves  to  secure  my  re-appoint- 
ment to  office  by  the  Governor. 

And  further  deponent  saith,  that  over  and  over  again,  overtures  of  money  and  of- 
fice have  been  made  to  me,  to  implicate  the  Governor  and  the  leading  members  of 
the  Whio;  party  in  the  city  of  New  York.  A»id  the  said  SlevenL>on,  in  conversation 
with  deponent,  after  deponent  and  he  had  left  Mr  Hoyt's  house,  on  the  occasion 
above  referred  to.  and  were  walking  down  together,  said  to  deponent,  that  Messrs. 
Butler,  Hoyt  and  Edmonds,  could  not  enter  into  an  agreement  in  respect  to  any  par- 
ticular office  at  that  time,  because  it  would  look  like  a  bargain  with  me  to  induce  me 
to  come  forward,  and  would  defeat  the  object. 

But,  said  he,  there  is  Mr.  Butler,  a  man  of  as  much  purity  of  character  as  any  man 
in  this  country,  and  he  can  do  any  thing  with  Mr.  Van  Biirin — did  you  not  hear  him 
say  he  loould  divide  the  last  cent  or  crust  with  you  ?  Here  is  Mr.  Edmonds,  a  confi- 
dential friend  and  correspondent  of  Mr.  Van  Buren,  and  here  is  Mr.  Hoyt  the  Col- 
lector—they can  do  any  thing  :  and  deponent  believes  that  Stevenson  made  these 
remarks  because  deponent  declined  to  involve  himself,  by  a  compliance  with  the 
overtures  made  to  deponent  at  Mr  Hoyt's  house.  And  deponent  further  saith.  that 
he  is  now  satisfied  that  he  has  been  the  dupe  of  a  conspiracy,  which,  under  the  pre- 
tence of  gainini;  the  means  to  compel  Governor  Seward  to  continue  deponent  in 
office,  and  thereby  to  assist  deponent,  has  from  the  beoinning  had  for  its  object  to 
induce  deponent  by  promises  of  reward,  and  then  by  THREATS  O.*-'  PROSECU- 
TION, to  become  the  instrument  of  violent  attack  upon  the  Governor  and  the  Whig 
party — and  deponent  further  adds,  that  in  the  progress  of  this  affair,  the  said  Steven- 


19 


son  has  constantly  spoken  of  the  unlimited  poicer  he,  the  said  Stevenson,  wonid  ac- 
quire with  the  Administration  party,  if  he  should  succeed  in  this  atttich  vj  on  the  Jl'hi^s. 

JAS.  B.  GLENTWORTH. 

Sworn  this  23d  day  of  October,  1840,  before  me, 

JOS.  P.  PIRSSON, 

Comu)isoioner  of  Deeds. 

And  now  what  says  Mr.  Butler, — and  what  say  Iloyt,  Stevenson, 
and  Edmonds  ?  The  attempt  to  discredit  their  own  witness  will  come 
with  a  bad  grace  from  them — and  to  give  him  up  entirely,  where 
would  be  the  testimony  of  Stevenson  founded  upon  the  precious  con- 
fessions of  this  same  Glentvvorth  ?  Let  Mr.  Attorney  Butler  gnaw 
upon  this  crust.  Mr.  Edmonds,  to  be  sure,  in  his  account  of  that 
accidcntdl  rendezvous  in  Hoyt's  basement,  puts  a  little  more  polished 
discourse  into  the  mouth  of  the  ingenuous  B.  F.  Butler,  and  represents 
him  as  offering  "  to  share  his  last  farthing  with  him  (Glentvvorth) 
before  he  should  sufter."  This  language  to  a  needy  man,  be  it  re- 
membered, comes  from  an  officer  of  the  general  government  with  an 
incotne  of  over  $30, 000  a  year  :  to  a  man,  of  whom,  even  their 
chief  witness,  Mr.  Butler  savs  under  oath,  "  it  was  very  evident  that  he 
was  not  only  THOROUGEILY  UNPRINCIPLED,  but  perfectly 
CALLOUS."  And  it  is  upon  the  testimony  of  this  man  narrated  by 
Stevenson,  who,  as  Mr.  Butler  confesses,  in  substance  asked  him  for  a 
bribe  at  their  first  interview,  that  the  conspirators  rely  to  criminate 
Moses  H.  Grinnell  and  Gov.  Seward  ! 

But  the  office  holders  were  not  satisfied  with  merely  scheming,  some 
part  of  their  vile  plans  must  be  carried  into  practical  effect,  by  them- 
selves—  to  this  end,  the  Mayor  and  Recorder  proceed  at  njidnight  to 
the  house  of  one  Pierce,  and  demand  of  him  a  package  of  papers 
placed  in  his  hands  by  Glentvvorth  —  upon  his  refusal  to  deliver  tliem 
up,  thueats  were  held  out,  of  such  a  nature,  and  in  such  manner  by 
the  hiiihest  officf;rs  of  the  city,  that  Pierce  was  compelled  to  deliver  up 
the  papers  to  their  custody.  We  make  no  further  comment  upon  this 
procedure  than  is  contained  in  Aiiticle  4  of  the  AiviENDMEiNiT  of  the 

CoNSriTUl  ION  OF  THE  UnITED  StATES. 

"  The  riirht  of  the  people  to  be  secure  in  their  persons,  houses,  papers,  and  effects, 
against  unreasonable  searches  and  siizmes,  shall  not  be  riolatcd  ;  and  no  warrants 
shall  issue  but  upon  probable  cause,  supported  hy  oath  or  affirmation,  and  particularly 
describing  the  place  to  be  searched,  and  tlie  persons  or  things  to  be  seized.  " 

Much  ado  was  made  by  the  Locofocos  about  these  Glentvvorth  pa- 
pers;  they  were  represented  as  containing  the  very  essence  of  the 
Fraud,  particulars  of  which,  when  divulged,  would  blast  forever  the 
■whole  Whig  party.  The  Recorder  undertook  to  open  the  paj)ers  in 
Court,  hut  Glentvvorth,  holding  to  his  rights  as  secured  to  him  hy  the 
Constitution,  sued  out  a  writ  of  replevin  to  recover  the  said  papers. 
Here  we  ffive  the  Sheriff's  official  n  turn,  showing  the  MANNER  IN 
WHK  II  THE  LAWS  ARE  RESPECTED  BY  THE  OFFICE 
HOLDERS. 

The  following  is  ihe  Sheriff" s  return  to  the  above  writ. 

By  virMie  of  the  within  writ,  on  the  SGth  of  October,  instant,  I  proceeded  to  a 
room  in  the  rear  of  the  Commissioners  of  the  Alms  House  and  Bridewell  of  the  city 
of  New  York,  where  1  found  the  defendants,  within  named,  and  saw  the  package, 


within  mentioned,  in  possession  of  said  defendants.  I  attempted  thereupon  to  exe- 
cute the  said  writ,  and  act.ually  took  liuLd  of  said  ■package,  proclaimbiv  aloud  that  I 
claimed  possession  of  the  same  by  virtue  of  a  writ  of  replevin,  intending  thereby  the 
within  writ,  vpon  which  1  was  fokcibi.y  srized  by  the  defendant,  R.  H.  Morris,  he 
at  the  same  time  exclaiming,  "  No  you  don't.  Sheriff,"  which  assault  of  the  said 
R.  H.  Morris  was  immediately  followed  by  an  attack  from  I.  L.  Vauian,  the  other 
defendant,  assisted  by  Peter  B.  Walker,  one  of  the  Marshals  of  the  city  of  New 

York,  and   McGrath,  by  whom  /  was  forcibly  prevented  from  executing  the 

process,  and  throvgh  whose  means  and  ag-rncy  the  package  sought  to  be  replevied  was 
forcibly  and  violently  taken  and  removed  from  my  control. 

I  do  further  return  that  shortly  therealler  the  defendant,  R.  H.  Morris,  stated  that 
he  had  not  then  the  package  in  his  possession,  but  had  no  doubt  he  could  procure 
the  same,  and.  pledged  his  word  as  a  gentleman,  and  his  honor  as  a  magistrate,  if  he 
could  obtain  possession  of  the  same,  that  he  would  produce  the  same  in  the  slate  in 
which  he  might  receive  it  at  the  chanjbers  of  Judge  Edwards,  the  next  morning,  at 
half  past  ten  o'clock.  Relying  upon  which  pledge,  I  replied  I  was  perfectly  satis- 
fied, and  would  meet  him  at  the  time  and  place  appointed.  That  in  pursuance  of 
such  pledge  of  the  said  R.  H  Morris,  I  attended  at  the  chnnibers  of  Judge  Ed- 
wards at  the  time  appointed,  and  there  met  the  said  R.  H.  Morris,  who  admitted 
that  he  hud  the  said  packages,  whereupon  I  demanded  the  same  by  virtue  of  the  with- 
in writ,  reminding  him  of  his  said  pledge,  which  said  pledge -the  said  Morris  de- 
clined to  redeem,  and  altogether  refused  to  deliver  the  said  package  :  therefore  I  can- 
not have  the  same  as  within  commanded,  in  consequence  of  said  forcible  resist- 
ance ON  THE  process  OF  THE  CoURT. 

JACOB  ACKER,  Sheriff. 
AVhat  this  mysterious  budget  contained,  that  it  should  be  held  up  as 
of  immense  importance,  may  be  gathered  from  the  following  card  chal- 
lenging publication. 

New  York,  October  27tb,  1840. 
f  Sir,  —  To  prevent  any  misapprehension  we  beg  leave  to  state,  that  so  far  as  we 
are  concerned,  we  have  no  objection  to  the  opening  ol  the  papers  of  J.  B.  Glent- 
worth,  now  in  your  possession  :  on  the  contrary,  as  we  challenge  the  severest  scru- 
tiny, we  have  no  objection  whatever  to  the  publication  of  copies  of  all  of  them. 

Yours,  M  H.  GRINNKLL, 

R.  M.  BLATCHFORD, 
JAMES  BOW  EN, 
R.  C.  WE  TMORE, 
SIMEON  DRAPER,  Jr., 

To  Robert  H.  Morris,  Esq. 

Recorder  of  the  City  of  JVew  York. 

Mr.  Glentworth  has  published  a  letter  to  the  same  effect. 

I  have  not  time,  sir,  to  enter  further  into  the  examination  of  the  criminal  violation 
of  which  you  have  been  guilty  against  tiie  soven>ignty  of  the  people,  through  the 
sacrifice  of  the  right  of  a  private  citizen.  Wishing  under  the  circumstances  of  the 
case,  promptly  to  respond  to  the  excited  expectations  of  the  community,  to  have  a 
full  and  public  exhibition  of  the  much  renowned  and  fatal  package,  \  tiierefore  de- 
mand its  publication,  to  be  made  strictly,  honestly,  and  faithfully,  promptly,  and 
without  any  delay. 

I  have  the  honor  to  remain, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

J.  B.  GLENTWORTH. 

In  view  of  the  whole  matter  of  this  Star-Chamber  Inquisition,  we 
would  respectfully  inquire,  what  kind  of  a  tribunal  and  judge  these 
are,  who,  under  the  color  of  law,  anticipate  the  full  disclosures  of 
competent  witnesses  to  be  given  in  the  usual  manner,  with  the  privi- 
le2;e  of  cross-examination,  by  ex  parte  affidavits  got  up  with  no  pos- 
sible pretext  of  being  admissible  evidence  in  any  trial  or  to  promote 
the  cause  of  justice,  but  for  political  effect :  the  judge  himself  a  vio- 


21 


lent  partisan  and  actively  engaged  in  the  circulation  of  these  affida- 
vits :  a  judge,  who  descends  from  his  official  station  and  violates  the 
sanctity  of  private  dwellings,  by  illegally  taking  therefrom  private 
property,  to  which  no  court  upon  earth  had  the  remotest  light,  with- 
out the  permission  of  the  owner  :  who  resisted  a  civil  officer  in  the 
service  of  a  civil  process,  and  seems,  in  all  his  doings  in  this  matter, 
to  have  lent  himself  to  be  the  tool  of  party  !  What  shall  be  thought 
of  that  Judge  and  that  Mayor,  who  take  upon  themselves  the  usual 
functions  of  the  subordinate  officers  of  justice,  who  "  indecently  de- 
scend from  their  high  stations  to  become  the  ministerial  executive 
agents  of  their  oivn  high  handed  usurpations,  and  who  SUBJECT 
THEMSELVES  TO  THE  SUSPICION  THAT  THEY  CAN- 
NOT SECURE,  IN  THESE  PREMEDITATED  VIOLA- 
TIONS OF  PRIVATE  RIGHT,  THE  SERVICES  OF  AN 
HONORABLE  AMERICAN  OFFICER  TO  EXECUTE  SO 
GROSS  A  VIOLATION  OF  THE  PUBLIC  PEACE." 

After  such  attacks  upon  the  riglits  of  American  Citizens,  surely 
even  the  pure  minded  B.  F.  Butler  must  morrn  and  refuse  to  be 
comforted  :  and  every  patriot  must  join  with  him,  and  perhaps  with 
full  as  much  sincerity  though  not  such  beautiful  sentiment,  vvlien  he 
exclaims  to  his  brother  conspirators,  "  for  my  own  part,  I  do  not 

WISH  TO  LIVE  A  MOMENT  AFTER  PUBLIC  LIBERTY  IS  EXTINCT  !  " 

We  feave  no  doubt,  Fellow  Citizens,  that  you  are  well  convinced, 
long  ere  this,  that,  so  far  from  there  being  any  foundation  for  the  vile 
slanders  which  have  been  circulated  among  you  for  a  week  or  two, 
charging  the  Whig  party  with  Frauds — there  is,  in  truth  and  in  fact,  a 
CONSPIRACy  among  the  leaders  of  the  Locofoco  Party  to  accom- 
plish their  base  ends  by  the  grossest  frauds,  while  they  are  making  the 
loudest  professions  of  patriotism  and  virtue.  The  following  extract 
from  Naylor's  letter,  dated  Oct.  25,  1840,  will  show  the  gam&  they 
played  in  Philadelphia,  at  the  recent  election.    Read  it. 

LOCO  FOCO  CONSPIRACY. 

"Thousands  of  fictitious  names  were  enrolled  on  the  list  of  taxables — bands  of 
hired  rviffians  were  provided  and  arranged  witli  to  go  from  poll  to  poll  to  vote  in  these 
fictitious  names.  Records  of  courts  were  forged,  and  thousands  of  tax  receipts  and 
certificates  of  naturalization  were  forged  and  put  into  the  hands  of  their  agents. 
When  the  election  day  arrived  at  least  five  thousand  illegal  votes  were  polled  by 
them — fraud  and  violence  were  triumphant,  and  after  doing  deeds  that  make  human- 
ity shudder,  they  still  keep  up  their  professions  of  sanctity  and  superhuman  purity, 
and  turn  round  upon  us  and  exclaim  :  "  There,  we  told  you  before  the  election,  you 
were  a  set  of  scoundrels.  VVe  have  now  proved  it  to  you.  This  election  was  a  fair  one» 
and  as  it  differs  in  its  results  from  all  former  elections — the  others  were  all  fraudulent, 
and  you.  the  Whigs,  are  a  set  of  cheats  and  scoundrels  i  " 

"  Thus  do  they  add  insult  to  perjury,  and  by  these  means  are  they  now  attempting 
to  pois  in  the  public  mind,  and  to  rob  the  free  people  of  this  country  of  their  rights." 

Charles  J.  IngersoU  received  his  apparent  majority  of  1100  over  McM'chael  at  the 
recent  election,  by  the  instrumentalitv  of  at  least  2500  illegal  votes. — This  is  demon- 
strable, and  will  be  proven  beyond  all  controversy,  when  a  tribunal  shall  be  opened 
lor  that  purpose  at  the  commencement  of  the  next  Congress. 


*^ 

TWENTY  FIVE  HUNDRED  ILLEGAL  LOCO  FOCO 
VOTES  IN  ONE  CITY  ! !  !^    And  thrown  by  the  patriotic  party, 
to  which  B.  F.  Butler  belongs  :  Butler,  the  man,  who  talks  of  dying 
for  liber ty,  like  Cato  of  Utica  !  ! 

We  invite  the  attention  of  candid  men  of  all  parlies,  to  the  follow- 
ing correspondence,  showing  the  manner  in  which  ojfice  holders  ex- 
plain their  unfounded  and  malicious  charges. 

BUTLER'S  MISREPRESENTATIONS  OF  MAYOR  SWIFT. 

Philadelphia,  Oct.  2(s  1840. 

Sir— A  letter  received  by  in^  this  morning  from  the  city  of  New  York,  has 
informed  me  that  at  a  political  meeting  held  in  the  Park,  on  Saturday  last,  you 
made  a  speech  in  which  you  spoke  as  follows.  (I  quote  the  words  of  the  wri- 
ter) : — "John  Swift,  the  Mayor  of  Philadelphia,  was  a  willing  and  a  guilty  par- 
ticipator in  the  frauds  of  1838,  and  it  was  by  his  influence  over  the  officei-s  in 
his  employ  that  they  were  successfully  perpetrated — it  was  by  the  contrivance 
and  management  of  Col.  Swift  that  the  scheme  was  successftd." 

I  have  a  rijjht  to  ask  you  whether  on  that  occasion  you  used  that  language  or 
any  to  that  effect,  and  I  respectfully  request  that  your  re|)ly  may  be  sent  imme- 
diately after  the  receipt  of  this.  If  you  have  made  such  a  charge  against  me, 
you  will  not,  I  presmne,  hesitate  to  avow  it.  That  there  may  be  no  mistake  as 
to  my  motive  in  asking  this  question,  I  beg  to  say  that  my  official  station  and 
the  nature  of  the  charge  will  prevent  my  seeking  any  redress  except  that 
which  the  law  or  an  appeal  to  the  pidilic  may  afford  me.  I  send  you,  Sir,  a 
respectful  request.  I  ex[)ect  an  immediate  and  unequivocal  reply. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be,  very  respectfully,  Yours,  &c. 

JOHN  SWIFT. 

B.  F.  Butler,  JEs(j. 

To  this  very  plain  request,  Mr.  Butler  has  returned  this  answer. 

New  York,  Oct.  27,1840.? 
^  to  4  o'clock,  p.  M.  \ 
Sir,-rA  reply  to  your  letter  of  yesterday,  prepared  by  me  lor  the  mail  of  this 
afternoon,  has  been  left  by  me  in  another  part  of  the  city,  and  will  therefore 
not  reach  you  until  the  mail  of  to-morrow. 

I  am,  Sir,  very  respectfully,  Your  ob*t.  serv't, 

B.  F.  BUTLER. 

John  Swift,  Esq.,  Philadelphia. 

Mr.  Butler,  it  will  thus  be  seen,  to  prevent  his  retraction  of  his 
own  falsehood  reaching  his  friends  in  Pennsylvania  until  after  the 
election,  resorts  to  the  mean  subterfuge  of  having  left  his  letter  "  in 
another  part  of  the  citj.^^  Among  the  bevies  of  government  retain- 
ers in  the  purlieus  of  his  office — could  not  one  have  been  found  to 
procure  in  season  the  letter  in  question  ? 

One  more  instance  of  the  depravity  of  the  office  holders,  and  \ve 
have  done.  Not  satisfied  with  violence  in  the  courts  of  justice,  with 
high-handed  outrage  upon  the  rights  of  private  citizens,  and  with 
fraud  in  every  styipe  upon  the  ballot-box, — we  see  ihem  with  sacri- 
legious hands  seizing  upon  the  Church,    That  paragon  ofLocoibco- 


ism,  O.  A.  Brownson,  has  already,  in  a  long  article,  denounced  the 
church,  and  its  ministers,  and  relii^ion,  in  all  its  forms,  as  inconsistent 
with  the  principles  of  MODERN  DEMOCRACY.  And  more 
recently,  the  Tammany  Hall,  Fanny  Wright  partisans  of  the  Ad- 
ministration in  New  York,  having  feloniously  put  in  type  the  first 
and  fourth  pages  of  a  recent  number  of  the  New  York  Observer,  a 
well  known  religious  paper,  have  inserted^  upon  the  second  and 
third  pages,  a  vile  tissue  of  Locofoco  falsehoods  and  election- 
eering  articles,  and,  palmed  them  upon  the  religious  community,  as 
the  opinions  of  the  Worthy  clergymen,  who  contribute  to  that  press. 
It  is  hardly  necessary  to  add,  that  the  high-minded  editor  immediate- 
ly denied  publicly  all  knowledge  of  this  new  device. 

In  conclusion.  Friends  and  Fellow  Citizens,  BE  ASTONISHED 
AT  NOTHING— BE  ON  YOUR  GUARD,  and  prepare  to  meet 
oiher  slfallow  devices  and  other  weak  inventions  of  the  enemy.  THE 
HOUR  OF  OUR  REDEMPTION  IS  NEAR,  The  Ball  is 
rollino^  on  for  Tippecanoe  and  Tyler  too — and  be  assured,  NOTH- 
ING CAN  STOP  ITS  WHIRLWIND  RUSH;  no,  not  evea 
the  cry  of  FRAUD  !  FRAUD  !  made  one  week  before  the  elections,, 
to  inflame  the  passions  of  the  ignorant,  and  impose  upon  the  honesty 
of  the  Yeomanry  in  the  interior  of  the  country.  True,  the  enemy 
shout  lustily  ALARMING  FRAUDS— but  it  is  only  the  old  trick 
of  the  thief  ivho  joins  in  the  hue  and  cry. 

Rest  assured,  Fellow  Citizens,  that  these  STARTLING  DE- 
VELOPMENTS" of  facts  well  known  two  years  a^^o  are  but  a 
MASK  TO  CONCEAL  THE  ENORMOUS  FRAUDS  NOW 
PREPARING  TO  DEFEAT  THE  ELECTION  OF  THE 
PEOPLE'S  CANDIDATE,  WILLIAM  HENRY  HARRISON. 
Again,  we  exhort  you,  BE  ON  YOUR  GUARD  :  and  teach  these 
office  holders  who  cry  FRAUD,  FRAL^D,  when  there  is  no  fraud 
but  in  their  own  vile  hearts  and  base  deeds — THAT  THEIR  CON- 
TINUANCE IN  OFFICE  AND  IN  THE  ENJOYMENT  OF 
PRINCELY  SALARIES,  IS  A  MATTER  OF  SMALL  IM- 
PORTANCE COMPARED  WITH  THE  PURITY  OF  ELEC- 
TIONS AND  THE  UNBOUGHT  SUFFRAGES  OF  FREE 
AND  INDEPENDENT  VOTERS. 

WHIGS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES !  Your  candidate, 
WILLIAM  HENRY  HARRISON,  is  before  you.  You  well 
know  his  talents,  patriotism,  and  integrity.  He  appeals  neither  to 
threats,  nor  low  plots,  nor  abuses  of  legal  process  and  forms  of  law, 
nor  violence  at  the  polls,  nor  fraud  in  the  voting  lists  for  his  success. 
Be  not  deterred  by  the  menaces,  or  deceived  by  the  plausible  stories 
and  ingenious  tricks  of  our  opponents.  Trust  not  the  partisans  of 
the  Administration,  however  fair  their  professions  or  honied  their 


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words.  Cannot  the  Arch  Enemy  assume  the  garb  of  an  Angel  of 
Light  ? 

WHIGS  OF  MASSACHUSETTS!  the  Ninth  of  November  is 
approaching.  Yours  is  a  twofold  duty.  It  is  yours  to  strike 
a  good  blow  for  our  common  country,  and  vindicate  ((je  cause  of 
Harrison  and  Reform  ;  but  you  must  also  do  battle  right  man- 
fully on  the  side  of  Honest  John  Davis  and  the  People,  against 
Marcus  Morton  and  his  Custom  House  Cabinet.  The  Loco 
focos  have  done  us  one  good  service  in  removing  the  political  judge 
from  the  bench;  let  us  no  longer  owe  ihem  any  thing,  but  consign 
THE  Demagogue  to  the  shades  of  private  life. 


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